Wednesday, 12 December 2012

Gerry Adams and Jean McConville

Yesterday in the Dail there was an angry exchange during question time between the Eire prime minister Enda Kenny and Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams. 

Adams attacked the government for austerity cuts in relation to welfare but his attack merely exposed his own economic illiteracy.
 
The exchange became increasingly angry as Adams harangued Kenny.  To highlight his point he referred at length to a woman he had met and spoke about her circumstances and the need for compassion.
 
This was an open goal for Kenny who referred to Adams' past and raised the issue of the death of Jean McConville, a Balfast woman who was murdered by the Provisional IRA. 
 
Gerry Adams can talk about compassion but his beloved IRA showed no compassion when they took a widowed mother away from her children, killed her and buried her body far away in a secret grave.  The abduction and the murder happened just before Christmas 1972, exactly forty years ago.
 
The IRA denied it but eventually had to admit it and one of those involved in the abduction, Dolours Price, has explained:
I drove away Jean McConville. I don't know who gave the instructions to execute her. Obviously it was decided between the General Headquarters staff and the people in Belfast. Gerry Adams would have been part of that negotiation as to what was to happen to her.  I had a call one night and Adams was in a house down the Falls Road and she'd been arrested by Cumann [IRA's female unit] women and held for a couple of days.
And Dolours Price should know about these things.  In 1973 she and her sister Marian Price, along with Gerry Kelly MLA, went on an IRA bombing misison in England.  Later she said that when she went on the IRA mission her commanding officer was Gerry Adams.
 
Of course Adams denies this but then he would, wouldn't he!
 
In their exchange in the Dail Enda Kenny touched a raw nerve and Adams was unable to control himself.  He roared across the chamber and refused to heed the order from the speaker to resume his seat.  Eventually the speaker had to suspend the session.  It was personal, it was bitter and Adams simply couldn't cope with it. 
 
It is clear that  Gerry Adams is becoming a hindrance to Sinn Fein in the Republic.  He is damaged goods and he is simply not up to it.

The other day Adams was back in Belfast for the unveiling of a mural about Pat Finucane, so he can't say we should all forget the past.  But he seems to forget his own past.  There is a Sinn Fein strategy of trying to rewrite history and remove the guilt of the IRA.  That must never be allowed to happen and the more that Sinn Fein attack other political parties in the Republic the better, because the more they will be reminded of their own bloody past.



Saturday, 8 December 2012

Bonfires and parades ... in Prague

There are folk who suggest that some of our cultural traditions in Ulster are bizarre or simply 'wrong'and that we should end these traditions.

Bonfire in Prague
I was therefore interested to read a little note in one of those free magazines that you get on aeroplanes.  It was the JetAway magazine and it was encouraging readers to visit the beautiful city of Prague, the capital of the Czech Republic.

Paleni Carodejnic is like a mash-up between Halloween and Bonfire night, with entertainment, concerts and parades taking place across Prague.  Ladronka Park hosts the largest celebrations, from 3pm.  For the best views, watch the bonfires burn from Petrin Hill.

 
On 30 April there are bonfires and parades all over the Czech Republic but the biggest fire is held on Petrin Hill, which is located on the west bank of Vlatlava River in Prague.
 
Parades and bonfires are part of the cultural heritage in the Czech Republic and indeed other countries and so Ulster is not the only place where such celebrations and commemorations take place.
 

Andother Newry & Mourne SDLP update

 
Now Alex Attwood MLA has joined the controversy about naming a children's playground after an IRA terrorist.  Attwood has said that SDLP councillors in Newry & Mourne should reconsider their support for the playground being named after IRA gunman Raymond McCreesh.  The environment minister said that people should be careful not 'to glorify elements of the Troubles.'
 
Attwood is now the second SDLP politician from Belfast to criticise the Newry & Mourne councillors.  But SDLP leader Alasdair McDonnell has remained silent and has failed to intervene in the sordid affair.  As party leader he should have shown leadership but instead he has maintained a stony silence.
 
Earlier this week Nigel Dodds MP raised the issue at Northern Ireland Questions in the House of Commons.  Unfortunately the Northern Ireland Secretary of State Theresa Villiers MP ducked the issue while SDLP leader Alasdair McDonnell MP and former leader Margaret Ritchie MP sat there looking distinctly uncomfortable.
 
It is clear that there is a split in the SDLP about the controversy and that McDonnell doesn't know what to do.  Once again he is like a rabbit caught in the headlights, unwilling or unable to lead his party.
 
So how long will Alasdair McDonnell maintain his stony silence?  How long will Alasdair McDonnell bury his head in the sand? 
 
Oh ....  and how long will it be before our local media really challenge McDonnell about what was a thoroughly sectarian decision in Newry & Mourne?

Thursday, 6 December 2012

Over to you Alasdair - what about Newry & Mourne?


According to the Belfast Telegraph this morning (6 December), SDLP Councillor Claire Hanna, who represents the Balmoral area of South Belfast, has 'slammed a vote supporting the naming of a Newry play park after an IRA terrorist'.  She took to Twitter to say that the decision, which was backed by 20 Sinn Fein and SDLP councillors, was 'a bad one'.

Then speaking to the Belfast Telegraph she said, 'I personally believe that this is a disappointing decision'.

There was some division among the SDLP councillors in Newry & Mourne and SDLP councillor Frank Feely abstained while SDLP mayor John McArdle left the meeting before the vote.  Nevertheless many of the SDLP councillors voted that the children's playground should still be named after an IRA terrorist.

The crack in the SDLP has widened with the comment by Councillor Hanna but what about her South Belfast colleague Alasdair McDonnell MP MLA, who is also her party leader.  He has remained totally silent on the matter.

Some weeks ago he was running to the media all the time about a shared future and shared housing.  Now, when his councillors in Newry & Mourne back a squalid and sectarian decision, he is nowehere to be seen. Does he back their decision or not?  It's over to you Alasdair, yes or no?  Do you, as SDLP leader, endorse the naming of the playground after a terrorist, or will you speak out and condemn the action of your councillors in Newry & Mourne?  Otherwise your comments about a shared future and shared housing are simply hypocrisy.

Surely a playground is for every child and not just for those whose parents idolise an IRA gunman!  What about children whose parents suffered at the hands of the IRA?  What about parents who just don't like terrorism?

I have been disappointed by the failure of our media to confront Alasdair McDonnell.  Perhaps he has been running away from them but he can't run for ever and the comments by Claire Hanna increase the pressure on him to quit hiding and speak up.

Of course, actions speak louder than words and we have a right to expect certain actions from the SDLP leader.  I believe he should discipline those SDLP councillors in Newry & Mourne who backed the name Raymond McCreesh Park.  I also believe that he should instruct them to work with fellow Unionist councillors to reverse the decision.

So it's over to you Alasdair!

Community Relations Council and the Union Flag

Tony McCusker

In the Irish News (5 December), Tony McCusker, chairman of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, welcomed the decision to restrict the flying of the Union flag at Belfast City Hall to 15 designated days 'in the interests of good community relations'.
 
I just couldn't believe it.  Who has he been talking to and what newspapers has he been reading?  Does he really think that community relations are better today than they were on Monday morning?
 
I have talked to many unionists over the past few days and there is a deep resentment about the decision to remove the Union flag for most of the year.  They view the City Hall as the main municipal building in the capital city of Northern Ireland and regard the flying of the Union flag as entirely appropriate.  Those I talked to are just ordinary unionists and they do not resort to violence ... but they are angry.  Is that what Tony McCusker was thinking of when he spoke of 'good community relations'?
 
Meanwhile Sinn Fein revel in their triumphalism.  They are already boasting, 'We took it down!'  I understand that a new edition of the Belfast Sinn Fein newspaper is due out any day and I suspect that this may well be the lead article.     Is that sort of tribal triumphalism what Tony McCusker was thinking of when he spoke of 'good community relations'?
 
Such a partisan intervention by the chairman of the Community Relations Council, albeit packaged in the language of community relations, damages the credibility of CRC.
 
At first I thought that the statement by Tony McCusker was in response to a question from the Irish News but when I checked the CRC website I discovered that in fact it was part of a statement posted on the 'news and press' section of the website on 4 December.
 
Along with this statement there were several other recent items, one about a mediation workshop and another about Football 4 Peace International Training.  Both of these are commendable initiatives but I was struck by the notable omission!
 
The chair of the Community Relations Council can find time to comment on a decision by Belfast City Council and obviously regards it as worthy of comment.  However it seems that another decision, in another council, on the same night, did not merit any comment.  I refer of course to the decision by Newry & Mourne Council to retain the current name for a children's playground which is named after an IRA terrorist.
 
The decision by the Community Relations Council to comment on Belfast and ignore the shame of nationalists in Newry & Mourne says a lot about the mindset of CRC.
 
 



Tuesday, 4 December 2012

Senator David Baird

The city of Camden is the county seat of Camden County, New Jersey, and a suburb, across the Delaware River, from Philadelphia.
 
The names of Baird Avenue and Baird Boulevard in Camden remind us of a family that was once prominent in the city, a family of Ulster-Scots.

David Baird Sr
David Baird Sr (1839-1927) was born in county Londonderry on 7 April 1839 and was the son of James and Ann Baird. 

He emigrated from Ulster to the United States in 1856, following his brother William, who had emigrated some years earlier, and he joined him in Baltimore, Maryland.  David entered the lumber business in Port Deposit, Maryland, and then in 1859 he moved to Camden, where he continued in the lumber business and also engaged in banking. 

On 23 January 1868 he married Christiana Beatty, daughter of William and Mary Beatty of Philadelphia. 

He was a member of the Board of Chosen Freeholders of Camden County from 1876 to 1880 and also served as the sheriff of Camden County from 1887 to 1889 and from 1895 to 1897.  David Baird was an unsuccessful candidate for election to the United States Senate in 1910 but he was appointed to the Senate on 23 February 1918 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of William Hughes.  Subsequently he was elected as a Republican on 5 November 1918 and served until 4 March 1919, when he did not run for re-election. 

Afterwards he resumed his former business pursuits in Camden and was a prominent figure in the city.  He attended the Centenary Methodist Episcopal Church and was also a member of Ionic Masonic Lodge no 94.  David Baird died in Camden on 25 February 1927, and he was interred in Harleigh Cemetery.
 
David Baird Jr (1881-1955) was born in Camden on 10 October 1881 and was the son of David Baird Sr and his wife Christiana Beatty.  He graduated from Lawrenceville School in 1899 and from Princeton University in 1903 and then, like his father, he engaged in the lumber business and banking in Camden from 1903 to 1929.  Baird was a director of the First Camden National Bank.

On 30 November 1929 he was appointed as a Republican to fill a vacancy in the United States Senate and he served from 30 November 1929 to 2 December 1930.  He was not a candidate for election to the vacancy in 1930.  Baird was an unsuccessful candidate for Governor of New Jersey in 1931, after which he resumed his former business pursuits. 

Later he worked as an insurance broker.  He acquired an interest in the Smith-Austermuhl Insurance Company and by 1947 he was president of that enterprise. 

On 7 June 1950 he announced the closing of the David Baird Company lumber business that his father had founded in the 1870s.  However the Baird family remained in lumber for many years, operating the Haddonfield Lumber Company. 

David Baird Jr died in Camden on 28 February 1955, aged 73, and was buried in the Baird mausoleum in Harleigh Cemetery.

Ulster emigrants made their mark in almost every part of the United States of America and there is a hardly a city, town of community without some evidence of that influence.

Monday, 3 December 2012

An overview of Welfare Reform

On Friday I spoke at the agm of Advice NI and took the opportunity to provide an overview of welfare reform.  This is a complex area and I welcomed the opportunity to provide an overview of where we are in the process.

Welfare Reform – Getting it Right for Northern Ireland

Good Morning – may I begin by firstly thanking Bob Stronge for the opportunity to address your Annual General Meeting today. Unfortunately I am not able to stay for the rest of the event due to other diary commitments in Londonderry.

The theme for your meeting today is Welfare Reform – Getting if Right for Northern Ireland, which of course is very relevant given that the Coalition Government’s proposals for Welfare Reform set out in the Welfare Reform Bill are currently being considered by the Assembly. You will be aware that the passage of this important legislation through the Assembly has been delayed pending the outcome of an Ad Hoc Committee of the Assembly’s considerations on whether the Bill complies with its equality requirements. I have absolute confidence that the normal legislative process would have afforded the opportunity for full and proper consideration of the Bill on all fronts. It is regrettable that others within the Assembly lacked that confidence and chose instead to invoke a process that will cause delay resulting in real challenges down the line, not least the potentially substantial financial costs that may be incurred.

It is important the Ad-hoc Committee moves forward quickly and that it reports to the Assembly as soon as possible thereby minimising any potential financial and operational consequences for Northern Ireland.

As Minister for the Department with primary responsibility for Welfare Reform I am on record for candidly outlining my reservations around aspects of the Bill and I will outline some of these later. I am not simply accepting the Coalition Government’s proposals but questioning and challenging these proposals where I feel it important within the Northern Ireland context.

I remain committed to securing the best deal for the people of Northern Ireland and will continue to show leadership by working with the Executive Sub-Committee on Welfare Reform and, with Assembly colleagues to explore possibilities. I will not shy away from the difficult decisions but seek to highlight areas of concern and work with others to mitigate against the worst impacts indeed I have already secured flexibilities on payment arrangements for Northern Ireland customers.

I am aware that many of the organisations represented here today have made submissions to the Social Development Committee on the Welfare Reform Bill. The Committee has asked my Department to comment on a range of issues within the Bill and I hope we will be able to respond in the near future. A key role for a politician is to shape legislation before the Assembly and I am committed to executing that role working with the people of Northern Ireland to ensure we have a Welfare Reform Bill that is right for the people of Northern Ireland.

In my recent speech to the Assembly I outlined the four principles that underpin Welfare Reform:
- To protect the vulnerable;
- To get people back to work;
- To develop a system which is fair; and
- To encourage personal and social responsibility.

I believe these four principles are equally applicable to building communities and our approach to housing as they are to reforming the social welfare system.

Before setting out how my policies will help us get it right in implementing Welfare Reform in Northern Ireland, I want to highlight some of the significant challenges which we will have to overcome.

As a region, we have the highest levels of economic inactivity in the United Kingdom; there are over 120,000 households in Northern Ireland in which there is no-one working and there are over 60,000 children live in households where there is no adult working. There is clear evidence which shows that where there is no adult working in a family, their income levels are heavily skewed towards the bottom of the scale of income distribution. Six out of ten families in the bottom quintile and 93% of families in the bottom two quintiles are families where there is no one working.

We also know that some of our communities have large numbers of economically inactive people. Research over a number of years has demonstrated the clear links between those who are financially dependent on benefits and the incidence of broader social problems. As a consequence, in many of our communities we not only have the blight of poverty but higher levels of ill health; lower educational attainment rates and higher crime rates. Addressing these issues will not be easy and sustainable improvement will only be achieved through collaboration in developing and implementing long term cross cutting solutions.

The challenges we face are not only about tackling poverty but also in providing assurances to our fellow citizens that we are successfully getting the resources to the people who most need support. In a recent Omnibus study carried out by my department involving over 1100 people in Northern Ireland, only 9% of respondents believe that the current welfare system is working properly. Over 50% of the respondents felt that there are too many people or the wrong people are receiving benefits from the welfare system whilst 31% felt that benefit customers who need financial support were not receiving the right level of support.

I believe these results indicate the scale of the challenges we all have in building a shared understanding in Northern Ireland about what we are trying to achieve through Welfare Reform, to acknowledge that there are some negative aspects and agree to work together to mitigate the impact of these in order to ensure that The Welfare Reform changes in Northern Ireland delivers real benefits for our people.

As Minister for Social Development, I have responsibility for urban regeneration and community development in addition to housing, social security benefits, pensions and child maintenance. We are the Department that is directly involved in helping people and communities improve their lives through everything we do.

We invest £70million on an annual basis in urban regeneration and community development, and pay over £5 billion in benefits each year and this year spent £ 364m on housing across Northern Ireland. Through this work, my Department touches the lives of every person in Northern Ireland.

In implementing reform my Department stands by its commitment to protect the most vulnerable and provide support for those whose sickness or disability puts them in difficulty. I want to ensure there is financial support for people who have short term emergency needs to meet general living expenses for day to day living or for housing needs. That is why as part of Welfare Reform I am introducing the new Discretionary Support Policy underpinned by the new Discretionary Support Scheme and increased funding for Discretionary Housing Fund.

If you are sick then the welfare system will continue to support you. If you are sick but have a likelihood of a recovery, the welfare system should support you, stay with you as your condition changes or improves and make sure you can take the opportunities to work when you are able.

What it should not do is consign you to a life on benefits, never check on your condition and allow you to languish there indefinitely – as has been the case for over 33,000 people in Northern Ireland who have been on incapacity benefit for more than 10 years

It is my belief that where they are able, those receiving support from the welfare system should be helped to move from dependence to independence. So whilst you need support you will receive it but if you are able to work, we should make it financially worthwhile and should both support and encourage you. What it should not do is to trap you in a place where you receive so much in benefits that a return to work is unaffordable.

In October I announced that I had reached agreement on flexibilities in the way Universal Credit can be paid in Northern Ireland. I started the discussions with Lord Freud because I had listened to the representations made to me by many of you and others and I was convinced that we needed to make changes to how Universal Credit was being designed in order to protect the most vulnerable in our society.

Having secured this flexibility officials in my Department have now started to develop the guidance and criteria to be used in making decisions around Universal Credit payment arrangements. The focus of this work is on ensuring vulnerable people are able to receive payment in a way which meets their needs. Additionally my Department is looking at the access channels for claiming Universal Credit to ensure we maximise the way our customers can access our services.

For someone from a family where no one has ever worked, there can be pressure to conform to a life on benefits as a preferable alternative to the “mug’s game” of work. It is regrettable that across generations and throughout communities, worklessness has for some people become ingrained into everyday life and those affected are losing out on the benefits associated with being in work. So together, we have to change systems, behaviours and attitudes and we have to change fast without leaving the most vulnerable behind.

We need to change the incentives in the welfare system so that they act as a springboard rather than a trap, rewarding those who move into work and redesigning the system in a way that restores fiscal stability while restoring lives at the same time.

We also need to change perceptions which will require changes in the attitudes and behaviours of those both in and outside of the social welfare system. We need to be able to demonstrate that the welfare system is seen to properly support people in need but also not to trap people in need. If we are to build a new welfare system, we have to realise that not everyone is starting from the same place. Not everyone understands the benefits of work, the feelings of self worth or the opportunity to build self-esteem.

Welfare Reform is necessary and will bring much that is positive, but, I do not underestimate the challenges we will face to manage the transition.

One aspect of the reform programme on which I do have significant concerns relates to Personal Independence Payment and the proposed managed migration of the 113,000 working age customers currently receiving Disability Living Allowance.

I have previously set out some of my concerns publicly that this aspect of PIP is driven primarily by the need to save money. I would re-iterate today my concern that this migration could have a real negative impact in some of our most deprived communities at a time of economic hardship. I have asked my officials to develop an understanding of the potential impact on the most deprived areas and I do believe there is a case for delay in the migration aspect of PIP to at least allow for economic conditions to improve.

This does not take away from the fact that the Disability Living Allowance benefit is no longer fit for
purpose which drives perverse behaviours and does not ensure that the available financial support is getting to the right people. People with a disability deserve to have the same type of conversation that we are intending to have with other benefit claimants to maximise their potential whilst ensuring that the right level of financial support is available.

In the area of Housing also I have concerns. One key change to Housing Benefit affecting social sector tenants due to be introduced in April 2013 is the under-occupation measure. It is important that everyone has access to an affordable home, be that in the private rented sector or the social housing sector, under a tenancy they can sustain. Many individuals will be impacted and I believe our response needs to be tailored.

I have asked social landlords to consider whether there are opportunities to bring forward smaller sized accommodation. I have also increased the discretionary housing payments fund and will change the legislation to allow such payments to be made to all social housing tenants. Increased advice and support will also be made available. My priority remains doing all I can to prevent evictions and tenants being made homeless and I have asked social landlords to ensure, as far as is possible, that all options are explored to prevent social tenants from being evicted from their homes.

So let me turn to the question that I get asked most, how do you reform when there are no jobs? Gone are the days when governments could buy their way out of a problem – or create jobs for people using public funds.

Many families are trapped on the current benefit system because we have made the system so complex and have built it to a point where working families and individuals to not know if they are worse or better off in work. Removing these structural traps is what Universal Credit is all about.

From April 2014, it will replace the main out of work benefits and tax credits with single, simple payment withdrawn at a clear and consistent rate. By removing cliff edges in the current system which means it will always be worthwhile working at 16 hours, 24 hours or 30 hours. Universal Credit will make work pay – at each and every hour.

Those organisations represented here today, and the many others not represented, have an important role getting it right in Northern Ireland by working in partnership with my department. I know my officials in the Social Security Agency have started a dialogue with the Northern Ireland Advice Services Consortium seeking your ideas on how the Advice Sector can make a positive contribution implementing Welfare Reform in Northern Ireland. Everyone in this room has a role to play, working in partnership to help people make decisions which will improve their lives. I look forward to hearing about the progress which is being made on that work.

Universal Credit will also include an element to support childcare costs for working parents. Those working even a few hours will be able to claim this support rather than those just working over 16 hours as in the current Tax Credit system.

We estimate that Universal Credit will lift around 34,000 individuals out of poverty, including 10,000 children and 24,000 adults and will bring £110 million additional money into Northern Ireland. We have to make that work; and we have to get people back to work.

Welfare Reform is not the only reform which I am bringing forward to help get it right for Northern Ireland.

In October, I also launched the consultation on the first ever housing strategy for Northern Ireland to begin the long term transformation of housing here. I envisage housing playing a key role in regeneration and I have outlined in the strategy proposals for significant structural change within the housing system in Northern Ireland.

We propose to make more effective use of existing social housing stock, undertake a fundamental review of how we allocate social housing, improve the way we support people to live independently and do more to prevent homelessness.

Public spending on housing will create jobs, apprenticeships and training places for our young people, all of which will help ensure we develop our skills base for the longer term.

Housing can play a more significant role in helping to shape those of our communities stigmatised by blight, deprivation and a dwindling population. We will develop new ways of helping people in such communities to re-shape their areas to make them a place where people want to live again. This will include bringing more empty homes back into use and also challenging social housing landlords to support their economically inactive tenants of working age into work or training.

I am committed to tackling disadvantage and building strong and vibrant communities across Northern Ireland and so I give a high priority to building capacity and looking at measures which will mitigate the negative impacts on individuals, their families, households and communities.

The work of my department is about making society function better – providing the physical and financial support and tools to help turn lives around. We are about empowering people and their communities and not about telling them what to do.

I accept that the Bill is far from perfect, but we must build our capacity to deal with it. I hope that as part of the scrutiny process we will identify changes that will not have significant costs but can address some of the shortcomings of the Bill and will deliver better welfare system for the people of Northern Ireland.

So let us focus on building capacity and resilience, let us ensure that we protect the most vulnerable and let us work as a collective to mitigate the worst aspects of the planned changes and deliver the best possible welfare services for the people of Northern Ireland.

Thank you.